Author’s Note: I would like to thank the Division of Women and Crime graduate student paper review-ers and committee for awarding an earlier version of this article honorable mention in 2005. I would alsolike to acknowledge the theoretical and practical guidance of Dr. L. Susan Williams and Dr. Dana Brittonfor the foundations of this article. Finally, I want to thank the editor and anonymous reviewers of FeministCriminology for suggestions and criticisms that greatly improved the final version of this article. Pleaseaddress correspondence to Don L. Kurtz, PhD, Department of Sociology, Anthropology, and Social Work,Kansas State University, 204 Waters Hall, Manhattan, KS 66506-4003; e-mail: firstname.lastname@example.org.
Feminist CriminologyVolume 3 Number 3July 2008 216-238
© 2008 Sage Publications10.1177/1557085108321672
Controlled BurnThe Gendering of Stress and Burnout inModern PolicingDon L. KurtzKansas State University
Despite the interest in the interplay between subcultural attitudes, organizationalstructure, and high stress events, most research on police stress fails to address afundamental concern—that of gender. In fact, the majority of research addressing officerstress fails to mention gender or concentrates on gender as a simple control variable. Datafrom the Police Stress and Domestic Violence in Police Families in Baltimore, Maryland,1997-1999 study were analyzed to examine how gender affects stress and burnout in lawenforcement. Findings indicate that stress and burnout by officers is embedded in thegender structure and process of policing and not simply a response to high stress events.
Keywords: policing; stress; burnout; masculinity; gender and policing; social construc-tion of gender; gendered organization theory
Asignificant body of research contends that policing is one of the most stressfulprofessions in American society (Anderson, Litzenberger, & Plecas, 2002;
Harpold & Feenster, 2002; Howard, Howard Donofrio, & Boles, 2004; Libermanet al., 2002; Lott, 1995). Officer stress is associated with a number of negativebehaviors and psychological outcomes, including high rates of substance abuse,divorce, suicide, and violence (Harpold & Feenster, 2002; Lott, 1995; Violanti,1996). Attempts to deal with officer stress and burnout generally focus on psycho-logical, physical, or psychiatric responses to critical incidents or high stress workenvironments (Anderson et al., 2002; Brooks & Piquero, 1998; Liberman et al.,2002; Loo, 2004; Mashburn, 1993; Purpura, 2001). Some scholars identify a sub-culture of policing through which selected behaviors and attitudes influence officers’reactions to organizational and job related stress (Harpold & Feenster, 2002; Purpura,2001). Despite interest in the interplay among subcultural attitudes, organizational
Kurtz / The Gendering of Stress and Burnout in Modern Policing 217
structure and high stress events, most research addressing officer stress fails to incor-porate gender issues. This research extends the current literature by addressing a fun-damental question: How does gender shape police stress and burnout?
Officer Stress and Burnout
A number of factors directly associated with law enforcement are identified assources of stress and burnout, including the nature of the job requirements, policeorganizational structure, and interactions with the public (Anderson et al., 2002;Harpold & Feenster, 2002; He, Zhao, & Archbold, 2002; Liberman et al., 2002).These areas are not mutually exclusive factors, and stress in one area likely aggra-vates anxiety in another (He et al., 2002).
Police Stress and Burnout
Research supports the idea that stress leads to a number of problems for both theindividual employed in law enforcement and the policing agency as a whole(Anderson et al., 2002). A number of social scientists have drawn connectionsbetween stress and problems with health related issues including increased anxietyand alcohol use, hypertension, insomnia, migraine headaches, and heart disease(Harpold & Feenster, 2002; He et al., 2002; Liberman et al., 2002). Stress alsoresults in bio-physical responses such as elevated heart rate, increased blood pres-sure, increased muscle tension, increased acid secretion (Anderson et al., 2002), andpsychological concerns like burnout and fatigue (Harpold & Feenster, 2002). Theseresponses may vary according to the officer’s assessment of the situational demandsand his or her ability to deal with the circumstances (Anderson et al., 2002).
Some research asserts that acute responses to stressful events, generally, are asso-ciated with critical incidents (Anderson et al., 2002; Liberman et al., 2002), whichare situations when an officer witnesses or is confronted with the potential for seri-ous injury or death (Liberman et. al., 2002). Several work environment stressors areidentified in the literature as critical incidents including shooting somebody in theline of duty, making a violent arrest, responding to a gruesome crime scene, or deal-ing with fatal accidents (He et al., 2002). Although police officers frequently facehostile citizens, life-threatening events rarely occur in policing (Hart, Wearing, &Headey, 1993). In fact, some research finds that danger is not a significant cause ofdaily stress among police officers (Hart et al., 1993); however, critical incident stressalso may occur when officers perceive stress-inducing events as situations that arebeyond their immediate control (Anderson et al., 2002).
Whereas critical incidents can result in acute psychosocial stress that may causeany number of short-term behavioral or psychological difficulties, chronic stress
builds over time and frequently is related to the work environment, the nature ofinterpersonal relationships, issues associated with organizational structures, andstressors inherent to the job requirements of policing (Anderson et al., 2002; Heet al., 2002; Liberman et al., 2002; Weber & Leeper, 1998). Nonviolent work-relatedstressors include, shift work, overtime, negative time management, paperwork, andphysical requirements such as walking patrols and carrying heavy equipment.Problems of this type are more likely to compound and create chronic stress.Chronic stress may not immediately overwhelm the officer’s coping ability, but overtime it can result in negative consequences or overpower stress management skills(Anderson et al., 2002).
One consequence of chronic stress is the psychological concept known asburnout. Although burnout and stress represent connected psychological concepts,some important distinctions are noted. Currently in the police stress literature, nouniversal term exists to describe stress or burnout (Liberman et al., 2002; Loo,2004). Frequently, researchers conceive of stress as the reaction or response to neg-ative or emotionally challenging stimuli (Liberman et al., 2002). On the other hand,burnout can represent the cumulative influence of long-term stress and includesaspects of emotional exhaustion and depersonalization (Loo, 2004).
Several aspects of police organizations are identified as sources of elevated stressand burnout. These factors include frustration with the criminal justice system,departmental politics and lack of departmental support, concerns with the promo-tional process, poor training (Anderson et al., 2002), and the bureaucratic nature oflaw enforcement (He et al., 2002). The size of the law enforcement agency may alsoinfluence the potential for stress and burnout. Most research on stress and burnoutfocuses on larger departments located in urban centers (Brooks & Piquero, 1998).Patrol officers from large departments generally have greater stress across a numberof variables including organizational structure, administrative arenas, public demands,fear of danger, and interactions with other areas of the criminal justice system(Brooks & Piquero, 1998).
Interpersonal relationships also have a significant influence on the developmentof stress and burnout. Interpersonal relationships refer to both personal relationships,like friends and family, and job-related relationships, such as patrol partners or shiftsupervisors. Family responsibilities may both enhance and mediate stress for officersdepending on the nature of the interpersonal relationships. For example, someresearch shows that family support reduces stress for men/husbands (He et al.,2002). Work requirements, however, may directly conflict with obligations at homecreating stress in both environments (Howard et al., 2004). Stress generated fromconflicts between work and home also may exacerbate work-related pressures.Work–family conflicts can reduce job satisfaction and increase emotional exhaustionand burnout. This relationship may be more pronounced for female officers who areexpected to maintain domestic roles as mothers, wives, and caregivers; however, thisissue has not been the target of much empirical evaluation (He et al., 2002).
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Peers also are an important source of interpersonal support for police officers andprovide context for understanding police behaviors (Brooks & Piquero, 1998;Violanti, 1997). Shared work experiences allow officers to develop a mutual under-standing of work stressors that can serve as a protective factor in terms of stress andburnout, although a significant amount of research has established that police peerrelations also may become a source of hostility, stress, discrimination, and cynicism(Brown, 1998; Harpold & Feenster, 2002; S. Martin, 1994; Miller, Forest, & Jurik,2003). As such, these relationships may indirectly increase rather than decreaselevels of stress and burnout.
Finally, the research suggests that a number of demographic variables are relatedto stress and burnout among police officers. These factors include age, officer rank,and length of service (Lennings, 1997). Some research finds a positive relationshipbetween an officer’s age and increased stress levels (Brooks & Piquero, 1998;Lennings, 1997). Many police managers with higher rank also struggle with burnoutand stress (Loo, 2004). Another demographic variable linked to stress is years of ser-vice which appears to demonstrate a curvilinear effect. Officers in their first fewyears of service and those close to retirement have the lowest levels of stress,whereas officers in the middle years of employment appear to have elevated stress(Brooks & Piquero, 1998; Lennings, 1997). There is also a limited body of researchindicating that men and women in law enforcement may experience and managestress differently (He et al., 2002). For example, Loo (2004) found stress on maleofficers generates only moderate levels of burnout, whereas female officers showhigher levels. Garcia (2003) found that perception of gender roles attached to differ-ent job task also influences the level of stress for women officers.
The current study will examine several distinct conceptual sources of officerstress and burnout including stressors related to work requirements, organizationalstructures, and interpersonal relationships. It also extends the current literature byaddressing a fundamental question: How does gender influence reactions to stressand burnout? Gendered organization theory, the concept of hegemonic masculinity,the social construction of gender, and ideas about the intersectionality of race andgender are used to explore this question.
The gendered organization framework provides a theory that extends beyondsome of the limitations in the current police stress literature. Acker (1990) arguesthat the gendering of organizations occurs along five interactive and interconnectedprocesses. The first component is a division of labor by gender. Quite simply, thismeans that men and women perform different tasks within an organization. The sec-ond factor is the creation of images that account for, oppose, or reinforce culturalideas about gender. The third process explores how gender guides social interactions
Kurtz / The Gendering of Stress and Burnout in Modern Policing 219
among people within an organization. The fourth component examines how gen-dered activities shape individual identities in an organization. The last factor dealswith the ways in which gender frames social and organizational structures andbecomes a vital aspect of how individuals understand the practices and perceptionsthat dominate organizational culture (Acker, 1990; Britton, 2003). Because of datalimitations, the current research will focus on two areas of gendered organizations—gendered images and interactions. A detailed explanation of the proxy variables isavailable in the Method section.
Connell’s concept of hegemonic masculinity and emphasized femininity also isimportant to the current research. Hegemonic masculinity refers to the idea that mendominate women on a global level, and this notion explains differentiation betweenmen and women. In fact, hegemonic masculinity not only establishes the genderrelations between men and women but also among men because hegemonic mas-culinity establishes a dominant idea of what it means to be a man and all other con-ceptions are constructed as something other than masculine. Hegemonic masculinitygenerally is not maintained by force, although both physical and economic force canbe used to bolster the masculine dominance of society (Connell,1987).
The relevancy of hegemonic masculinity to policing is evident in several ways.Policing is clearly a profession with an organizational structure that supportshegemonic masculinity; women, homosexuals, and nonmasculine traits are oftenshunned in law enforcement. Characteristics that have been traditionally associatedwith a good police officer—fearlessness, heroic demeanor, physical and emotionalstrength, assertiveness, and intelligence (Darien, 2002; Moore, 1999)—are featuresof hegemonic masculinity. Policing also directly involves the use of violence andforce as a means to maintain social order; consequently, policing helps reinforcehegemonic masculinity, for example, by enforcing laws that limit other forms ofmasculinity, such as laws that target the gay community or make certain sexual prac-tices illegal (i.e. homosexuality, sodomy).
Recent work on hegemonic masculinity by Connell and Messerschmidt (2005)describes the complexity associated with masculinity and notes that different con-structions of masculinity may operate on different levels. In particular, the authorsformulate research oriented hierarchies of hegemonic masculinity that include local,regional, and global arenas. Locally constructed masculinity may develop in directinteractions found in face-to-face contact, organizational contexts, and communityrelations. Regionally constructed masculinity operates more prevalently on the levelof culture and nation. Finally, globally constructed hegemonic masculinity is assem-bled within world politics and media.
Localized differences in hegemonic masculinity among police officers may reflectthe nature of police organizational practices, interactions in local police agencies, and
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the nature of crime and stress attributed to local communities whereas regional andglobal influences of hegemonic masculinity in policing may vary. For example, thesame masculine perception of police officers in Texas may not be present in officersin New York. Similarly, the ways in which masculinity are demonstrated in policingin the United States may not be present in officers in other parts of the world; how-ever, some consistent conceptions of hegemonic masculinity related to law enforce-ment permeate all three of Connell and Messerschmidt’s levels of analysis. Forexample, law enforcement officers throughout the world have a relationship to statesponsored use of violence that could reinforce conceptions of hegemonic masculinity.
Community-level aspects of hegemonic masculinity provide a rich context forunderstanding the problem of stress and burnout. Community differences influencelaw enforcement agencies in a number of ways. First, police organizations primarilyrecruit new officers from their local community; therefore, localized aspects of thecommunity extend directly into organizational culture. Second, the size of the com-munity likely influences organizational structure, size, and specialization of depart-ments. Third, communities influence the daily behavior of officers through localstandards of behavior (Liederbach & Frank, 2006).
Although local context influences the conception of police masculinity, some sim-ilar traits also should be observed at the regional level. For example, research demon-strates that police officers, as a rule, reject alternative forms of masculinity, specificallygay masculinity (Miller et al., 2003), which is associated with (or assumed to repre-sent) femininity. Power and physical aggression are associated with hegemonic mas-culinity and therefore incompatible with emphasized femininity (Connell, 1987). Theassociation between hegemonic masculinity and policing leaves little room for femi-nine traits in the daily activity of law enforcement officers and limits the possibleresponse patterns officers can select when faced with stress and burnout.
Social Construction of Gender
The final concept relevant to this article is the idea of doing gender as developedby West and Zimmerman (1987). Doing gender involves creating perceived differ-ences between what is considered masculine and feminine and then using these dif-ferences to justify gender as essential or biologically linked. This process is notnecessarily a conscious decision by the actors. Doing gender involves organizingactivities in a way that conveys gender and perceiving the actions of others as relatedto gender (West & Zimmerman, 1987). In this theoretical framework, gender is nolonger a static social category, but a process used to reinforce the concept of mascu-line and feminine traits. Gender becomes an accomplishment and not an inherentproperty of an individual. Through the doing gender process, particular behaviors,pursuits, social interactions, and social–psychological perceptions become associatedwith a natural understanding of what is masculine or feminine (West & Zimmerman,1987). This creates situations in which behaviors are deemed as part of gender.
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This situational practice of doing of gender also extends to work related stress anddefinitions of responses as masculine or feminine. In law enforcement, this situateddoing involves expectations of how officers respond to the daily hassles and/or theunique situations of policing. Officers are required by both the public and other offi-cers to react in ways consistent with the image of policing. In policing, a professionhighly associated with masculine ideals, doing police masculinity may involveexpressing a number of behaviors that enhance gender specific displays. Violence,the use of force, controlling conduct, assertiveness, self-reliance, and other behav-iors associated with a good police officer are also associated with accomplishingmasculinity. Doing police masculinity and performing police activities are intercon-nected and mutually reinforcing behaviors that enhance common sense assumptionsabout police officers and the occupation’s connection to masculinity.
Intersections of Race and Gender
Although this research primarily focuses on aspects of gender in police workenvironments, race remains a theoretical and methodological consideration as well.Some research indicates that both gender and race affect officer assignments, gen-eral behavior patterns in police organizations, and perceptions of treatment by peers(Dodge & Pogrebin, 2001; S. Martin, 1994). Currently, some scholars are attendingto the interactive nature of race, class, gender, and sexual orientation (Burgess-Proctor, 2006; Barak, Flavin, & Leighton, 2007). For example, S. Martin’s compre-hensive research of five police agencies found that race, class, and gender guideorganizational behavior, gender interactions, and officer conduct. The interactionsbetween men and women, between women, and between Black and White individu-als aligned with the historical context of policing as both White and male. Race alsoplayed a significant role in the gendering process. Men either reified White womenas objects of sexual desire or glorified secretaries. White male officers viewed Blackwomen as a source of labor (S. Martin, 1994). Similarly, Dodge and Pogrebin (2001)used the intersection approach to their qualitative study of police professional rela-tionships, finding that the intersections of race and gender shaped perceptions of theofficers. The researchers found that masculine norms in police organizations height-ened the marginalization of both women and other minorities. The authors state,“The exclusion of black women is apparent in their relationships with fellow offi-cers; black and white, male and female” (p. 559).
The current research explores the relationship between gender, stress, andburnout. Building from theories that focus on gender, this research examines therelationship between gender and police psychological and behavioral outcomes todetermine some of the ways that hegemonic masculinity and the process of doinggender contributes to police stress and burnout. It also explores the intersections ofrace and gender to evaluate their impact on stress and burnout.
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The data from this study come from an existing data source: The Police Stress andDomestic Violence in Police Families in Baltimore, Maryland 1997-19991 (Gershon,2000). This study contained a 5-page questionnaire that assessed officer stressors,negative health outcomes, current stress levels, level of support, and use of violenceby police officers.
The survey was distributed to officers of the Baltimore Police Department duringroll calls for all shifts in all nine of Baltimore’s precincts and their headquarters. Atthe time of the survey, the Baltimore Police Department had slightly more than 2,500sworn officers; approximately 1,200 surveys were distributed and 1,104 officers(92%) completed the questionnaire.
For the purposes of this project, several sets of variables from the survey wereused including demographic characteristics, nature of interpersonal relationships,work related events, psychological and physiological responses to stress, level ofburnout, and perceptions related to gender dynamics. Comparative cross tabulationsand quantitative analysis are employed with these variable groupings. All missingdata for each variable were coded as missing and the case was excluded in regres-sion analysis. The data set had very few missing cases and the valid numbers areincluded as a note in each regression table.
The specific demographic variables included in these analyses are sex, race, edu-cational level, and marital status. For quantitative analysis, dummy variables repre-sent each demographic category. To explore differences along the intersections ofrace and gender in nongender spilt models, race and sex categories were combinedto create four groups: African American females, African American males, Whitefemales, and White males. Dummy variables were also created to assess marital sta-tus and college education. Officer reporting that they are currently married are codedas one with all other responses coded as zero. Similarly, officer with at least a col-lege degree are coded as one (1) with all other groups coded as zero (0). The descrip-tion of the sample reported in Table 1 also includes simple frequency distributioninformation on the rank of officers within this sample.
Several dummy variables measured support by family and administrative offi-cials. A measure of family support was coded as one (1) for officers who agree orstrongly agree with the following statement: “I feel that I can rely on support frommy family.” Officers who remained neutral or disagreed were coded as zero (0).Support of administration was coded as one (1) for officers who agree or strongly
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224 Feminist Criminology
agree that “The administration supports officer who are in trouble.” Officers dis-agreeing with this statement were coded as zero (0).
Dummy variables also measured officer responses to critical events. Respondentswere asked if they were “emotionally” affected or fearful of work-related stressfulevents. The events included making a violent arrest, shooting someone in the line ofduty, knowing the victim or perpetrator of a crime, and being the subject of an inter-nal affairs investigation. The variable was coded as one (1) for participants whoanswered “Very much,” and zero (0) for those answering “a little” or “not at all.”
The acceptability of women in law enforcement was measured by creatingdummy variables from responses to two statements: (a) Gender-related jokes areoften made and (b) The department is lenient in enforcing rules for female officers.Variables were coded as one (1) for those respondents who agreed or strongly agreedand zero (0) for respondents who were neutral, disagreed, or strongly disagreed withthese statements.2 The first variable served as a proxy variable for aspects of genderinteraction in the workplace and the second provided a proxy for the image ofwomen in law enforcement agencies.
The questionnaire used several Likert scales that address elements of stress.Respondents were asked if they experienced the following 7 signs of psychological
Table 1Characteristics of Survey Respondents
Race/genderAfrican American women 102 9.2White women 51 4.6African American men 253 22.9White men 643 58.2
Martial statusMarried 658 59.6Live-in partner 88 8.0Divorced/separated 135 12.2Single 213 19.3
RankOfficer/trainee 692 62.6Detective 144 13.0Sergeant 143 13.0Agent 62 5.6Lieutenant or above 59 5.3
Level of educationHigh school 165 14.9Some college 603 54.6College degree 285 25.8Graduate school 41 3.7
stress in the past 6 months: restlessness, feeling hopeless, panic attacks, irritability,withdrawal, depression, and emotional depletion. The physiological portion of thisindex used five questions assessing whether respondents had experienced nausea,trouble getting their breath, a lump in the throat, pains or pounding in the chest, andfaintness or dizziness in the 6 months prior to the survey. A 4-point Likert scale withpossible answers ranging from never to always was used. Many of these items mea-sured the same latent traits, and for the purposes of quantitative analysis, they werecombined into a single item measuring both physical and psychological stress. Theindex scores ranged from 12 to 48 (α = .82).
The burnout index was constructed by combining responses to the following threequestions: I feel like I am on automatic pilot most times, I feel burned out from my job,and I feel like I’m at the end of the rope. The possible responses ranged from stronglydisagree to strongly agree. The range on this index was from 3 to 15 (α = .78).
Table 1 displays general characteristics of the survey respondents. The vastmajority of respondents in the sample were White male (n = 643), constituting 58%of the sample. The next largest group was African American males (n = 253) whorepresented about 23% of the sample population. Not surprisingly, women repre-sented the lowest proportion of survey participants. About 14% of the sample werewomen; 9% (n = 102) were African American and 5% were White (n = 51). The sam-ple also included a small number of Hispanic males (n = 14) and 24 individualsselected other as a race category. Unknown participants (n = 10) were coded as 9 andexcluded in all regression analysis.
Patrol officers and patrol officers trainees represented the majority of respondents(n = 692) and made up 62% of the sample, whereas 5% of the participants were high-ranking officers holding the rank of lieutenant or higher (n = 59). Officers also helpvarious other positions within the department including detective (n = 144), sergeant(n = 143), and agent (n = 62). The sample had only 4 missing cases. Nearly 60% ofthe sample was married with an additional 8% having a live-in partner. Roughly 12%of those sampled were divorced or separated and slightly more than 19% were sin-gle. In keeping with the movement to professionalize law enforcement, the vastmajority of officers in this study had some college education (85%) and more than aquarter of respondents held a college degree. In this sample, education level wassimilar for both genders; roughly, 28% of female officers held a college degree com-pared with 26% of the males.
The rank and job distribution of officers in the Baltimore Police Department at thetime of the survey reflects the fact that few women advance beyond simple patrolduties in modern law enforcement (Schulz, 1995). Only 4 of the 59 survey respondentswho held the office of lieutenant or above are women, and 14 female respondents held
Kurtz / The Gendering of Stress and Burnout in Modern Policing 225
226 Feminist Criminology
the position of sergeant. This means that roughly 2% of the women completing thesurvey held positions of sergeant or greater. The males in the survey appeared tohave better avenues for advancement within the organization. Nearly one in fivemale officers (19.5%) in the survey holds the position of sergeant or greater. Giventhe small number of female offices with rank in the sample, this variable had to beexcluded from the regression analyses.
The survey contained multiple questions about sources of support and stress in lawenforcement. Approximately 2% of (n = 23) officers within the sample agreed that thedepartment supports officers in trouble. On the other hand, nearly 41% feel they havesupport from their family members. Nearly one in five officers reports some emo-tional concern with making a violent arrest; however, shooting someone in the line ofduty was disconcerting to only 8% of the sample. Knowing the victim or offender ofa criminal incident was regarded as a concern for 16% of the officers. Finally, thegreatest emotional stressor in this sample was being the subject of an internal inves-tigation with nearly 34% of the sample reporting concern about this stressor.
The gender proxy variables displayed divergent response patterns based on therace and gender of the respondent. White women were most likely to report that gen-der-related jokes were common in the work environment; 51% agreed that suchjokes were repeatedly made within the department. African American women repre-sented the second largest percentage; more than one in three African Americanwomen (36%) agreed with this statement. Roughly 29% of the African Americanmen agreed that gender-related jokes are commonplace. White males were statisti-cally the least likely to believe that gender-related jokes were common and about onein four (24%) of these respondents agreed with the statement. Similarly, more thanhalf (55%) of White males believe that the department is more lenient toward femaleofficers as opposed to 28% of African American males, 8% of the White females,and 1% of African American women.
To better understand the complex relationship between stressful situations andgender dynamics, the current study used several regression models. The first regres-sion model treated officer stress as a dependent variable.3 The results are shown inTable 2. Several demographic variables reached statistical significance. AfricanAmerican and White women showed slightly elevated rates of stress, whereasAfrican American males demonstrated reduced levels of stress compared with Whitemen. Two background variables exerted significant influence on psychophysicalstress. High levels of family support (b = −1.320) or a college education (b = −.825)reduced stress scores.
This regression model also affirmed much of the traditional literature linkingwork-related critical incidents to stress. Concerns about making a violent arrest (b =.945), being the target of an investigation (b = 2.509), and personally knowing thevictim or offender (b = 1.839) of a criminal investigation increased the level of psy-chophysical stress. Administrative support, fear of shooting somebody on the job, andresponding to a bloody crime scene were not statistically significant in this model.
Kurtz / The Gendering of Stress and Burnout in Modern Policing 227
The proxy variables for gendered interactions and perception of leniency towardwomen in law enforcement were significantly related to stress. The prevalence ofgender-related jokes (b = .567) and the belief that the department was lenient onwomen (b = .602) were associated with increased stress, even when controlling fortraditional predictors. In fact, the beta weights of these two variables were the secondand fifth strongest in the model.
Table 2 also displays the second regression equation dealing with officer burnout.This analysis supports a relationship between stress and burnout and provides evi-dence of the influence of gendered behavior on burnout. Several independent vari-ables in this regression model affected the variance in burnout scores. Interestingly,being an African American man was associated with a higher likelihood of experi-encing burnout, but this relationship was not statistically significant for AfricanAmerican women or White women. None of the work-related events remained sig-nificant in the burnout equation, although all these variables were indirectly relatedto burnout because they increased stress, which was included as an independentvariable in this model. The stress index had a positive and strong correlation withburnout (b = .246). In each of these regression equations family support had a neg-ative relationship with stress and burnout indicating that, among this sample, highfamily support mediated stress and burnout. In accordance with the theoretical
Table 2Ordinary Least Squares Regressions for Officer Stress and Burnout
Stress Model Burnout Model
Variables b SE Beta b SE Beta
African American women 1.995 0.576 .109*** 0.009 0.254 .011White women 2.495 0.757 .098*** −0.529 0.333 −.043African American men −1.073 0.377 −.084** 0.462 0.166 .075**College degree −0.825 0.337 −.068* −0.121 0.148 −.021Administrative support 0.465 1.022 .013 −0.339 0.458 −.019Family support −1.320 0.300 −.123*** −0.475 0.133 −.091***Violent arrest 0.945 0.419 .071* 0.347 0.184 .054Shot 0.631 0.550 .033 −0.007 0.241 −.008Investigation 2.509 0.330 .225*** 0.274 0.148 .050Know victim/offender 1.839 0.424 .129*** −0.132 0.188 −.019Bloody crime 0.576 0.459 .039 0.118 0.201 .017Gender jokes 0.567 0.139 .117*** 0.223 0.061 .095***Lenient perception 0.602 0.148 .132*** 0.237 0.065 .107***Stress — — — 0.246 0.014 .507***
Note: SE = standard error. White males serve as the reference category for all spilt models. Stress modeln = 1,051 and burnout n = 1,034.*p < .05; **p < .01; ***p < .001.
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orientation of this article, variables measuring gendered jokes and perception ofleniency were statistically significant and had a positive relationship with burnout,even after controlling for other relevant factors, including stress.
The theoretical framing of this study suggests that experiences of police officersare qualitatively different for women and men and Table 3 reports gender splitregression models. The R2 statistic is slightly weaker for women (.162) than for men(.210), and there were some variations in the models. African Americans and thoseholding a college degree reported less stress among men. These variables were notstatistically significant in the model for female officers. Men with lower levels offamily support demonstrated significant increases in stress; however, this variablewas not significant for women. Work-related events displayed some variation aswell. For men, emotional concern over knowing a victim or offender was statisticallysignificant. For women, these variables were not significantly correlated with stress;instead concern for making a violent arrest was significantly associated withincreased stress. The strongest variable in both models was being the subject of aninvestigation by the department, indicating internal investigations were a noteworthysource of stress for both men and women. To test for interaction effects between gen-der and stress and burnout outcomes, separate regression models are used for maleand female officers, calculating Z values to determine if the regression coefficientsdiffer significantly across these categories.4 Calculated Z values indicate no groupdifferences among work related events between the stress models.
Table 3Ordinary Least Squares Regression Analysis for Stress by Gender
Variable b SE Beta b SE Beta Significant Z
African American −1.055 0.368 −.090** 0.009 1.000 .002 NoCollege degree −0.906 0.354 −.077* −0.109 1.026 −.008 NoAdministrative support 0.996 1.072 .028 −5.036 3.274 −.120 NoFamily support −1.328 0.315 −.126*** −1.118 0.910 −.094 NoViolent arrest 0.544 0.444 .042 2.826 1.282 .190* NoShot 0.469 0.559 .026 3.047 2.259 .110 NoInvestigation 2.406 0.343 .223*** 3.047 1.081 .229** NoKnow victim/offender 1.920 0.449 .135*** 0.470 1.283 .032 NoBloody crime 0.886 0.490 .061 −1.111 1.303 −.072 NoGender jokes 0.498 0.147 .104*** 1.015 0.421 .195* NoLenient perception 0.741 0.153 .154*** −0.718 0.530 −.105 Yes
Adjusted R2 = .210, F < .001 Adjusted R2 = .162, F < .001
Note: SE = standard error. Men regression n = 903 and women regression n = 148.*p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.
Kurtz / The Gendering of Stress and Burnout in Modern Policing 229
The gender-related questions were linked to greater levels of stress for bothwomen and men officers. For women, the presence of gender-related jokes signifi-cantly affected stress levels, but the perception of leniency for female officers didnot have an effect. For men, both gendered jokes and the perception of leniencytoward women were associated with increases in stress. The Z value for the leniencyperception variable is statistically significant, indicating 95% confidence that theobserved difference between men and women was not due to chance.
Similarly, separate regression models were used for male and female officersto evaluate burnout. Table 4 reports these results. For females the R2 statistic isslightly lower (.353) than the model for males (.362). Stress strongly correlatedwith burnout among both female and male officers and beta weights indicatedthat it was the strongest variable for both groups. Similarly, the lack of familysupport resulted in increased levels of officer burnout for both men and women.The significance of work-related events was minimal in both models, however,there were differences based on gender. Men who were concerned about makingviolent arrests experienced increased levels of burnout. Women who were con-cerned about being the subject of an internal investigation experienced increasedburnout. This is also the only work-related variable that had a significant Z value,indicating this observed difference is not due to chance. Both gender-relatedquestions were linked to greater levels of burnout for male officers, but neithervariables affected levels of burnout for women.
Table 4Ordinary Least Squares Regression Analysis for Officer Burnout by Gender
Variable b SE Beta b SE Beta Significant Z
African American 0.465 0.166 .079** 0.596 0.377 .112 NoCollege degree −0.110 0.160 −.019 0.001 0.387 .002 NoAdministrative support −0.001 0.495 −.001 −2.093 1.247 −.116* NoFamily support −0.406 0.143 −.078** −0.920 0.346 −.180** NoViolent arrest 0.486 0.199 .075* −0.426 0.493 −.067 NoShot −0.003 0.251 -.003 0.004 0.859 .003 NoInvestigation 0.121 0.158 .022 1.198 0.420 .210** YesKnow victim/offender −0.167 0.204 −.024 0.008 0.485 .013 NoBloody crime −0.117 0.220 −.016 0.970 0.493 .146 NoGender jokes 0.257 0.066 .108*** 0.000 0.162 .027 NoLenient perception 0.224 0.070 .094*** 0.136 0.201 .046 YesStress 0.259 0.015 .519*** 0.192 0.032 .448*** Yes
Adjusted R2 = .362, F < .001 Adjusted R2 = .353, F < .001
Note: Men regression n = 887 and women regression n = 147.*p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.
230 Feminist Criminology
A number of factors directly associated with law enforcement have been identi-fied as sources of stress and burnout including job requirements, making violentarrests, police internal investigations, and interactions with the public. The currentresearch not only regenerated prior findings connecting police work events withstress and burnout in regression models, but also indicated that new and oftenneglected variables, including those related to gender, were important to under-standing both stress and burnout.
The findings provide some evidence of demographic differences related to stressand burnout. In the split gender model, male officers with college degrees were lessapt to evidence stress than officers without an education. This finding is not entirelyclear nor is it evident why this finding held true for men and not women. Given theimportance of the gender variables in this study, perhaps there was an interactionaffect between education and beliefs about women in policing. It is possible thathigher education results in more limited endorsement of gender prejudice, especiallyfor men, which in turn impacts stress levels. In other words, perhaps higher educa-tion challenges men’s prejudices about women in the workplace and general sexistattitudes, which, in turn, makes it more stressful when entering an occupation wherethese attitudes are commonplace. Similarly, perhaps the hegemonic masculinity evi-dent in policing makes it difficult (e.g. stressful) for more enlightened/educated mento confront the sexist behavior and/or treatment of their fellow female workers.
There were indications that race and gender intersect in interesting ways. Women,both White and African American, reported higher levels of stress than White men;however, African American men indicated lower levels of stress than White men.Although it is not surprising that women experience more stress than men given thegendered nature of the organization and the reports of hostile work environments inmany police departments, it is not clear why African American men reported lowerlevels of stress than White men. These findings are even more intriguing when cou-pled with the effects of race and gender on burnout. There are no apparent effects ofrace and gender on burnout, with one exception. African American men, thoughexperiencing lower rates of stress, exhibit higher levels of burnout than White men.Additional research, especially qualitative studies, should be explored to help flushout these findings in more detail. Perhaps African American men are better thanWhite men and women at mitigating stress (e.g., they have better coping strategies),but it takes its toll over time resulting in burnout when it finally manifests itself.
Findings also indicated that family support tended to mediate the effects of stressand burnout in some instances, whereas administrative support rarely was as effec-tive. Consistent with prior research (He et al., 2002), men who experienced familysupport had reduced levels of stress; although, there was no significant relationshipbetween these variables for women. It must be noted that men were more likely to
be married than women in the current sample, which could account for this differ-ence; 64% of the male officers reported they were married whereas only 36% of thewomen were married. Family support, however, was significantly associated withreduced burnout for both men and women. Intuitively, it makes sense that familysupport helps mediate stress and burnout associated with job related demands.Interestingly, however, administrative support was not significantly related to stress orburnout for men or to stress for women. The bureaucratic nature of law enforcementagencies may reduce the ability of single administrators to reduce stress among fieldofficers. Particular concerns of police bureaucracy include the impersonal nature ofthe bureaucracy, distant chain of command, and lack of input into workplace rules(He et al., 2002). Officers frequently believe that their patrol decisions lack supportby the departmental administration, which is compounded by the fact that many offi-cers believe the public does not support their efforts (Kop & Euwema, 2001).
Perhaps the bureaucratic nature of the workplace makes it hard for administratorsto mediate stress, regardless of gender. In contrast, however, administrative supportmay relate to burnout and help retain female officers in a hostile environment,thereby reducing burnout. Police organizations nationally have had limited supportin increasing the number of women in the field (Garcia, 2003) and even when agen-cies are able to recruit women, they often cannot retain them (Garcia, 2003;Lonsway et al., 2002). Additionally, women are more apt than men to report that theadministration treats them differently based on their gender (Sousa & Gauthier,2008). Although the current study cannot document the type of administrative sup-port, it is logical to assume that when agencies refuse to tolerate sexist behavior inthe workplace, women perceive this behavior as administrative support, therebyreducing burnout for women.
Gender spilt models also indicated some differences with regards to traditionalstressors in the literature (Anderson et al., 2002; Brooks & Piquero, 1998; Libermanet al., 2002; Loo, 2004; Mashburn, 1993; Purpura, 2001). Men who were concernedabout knowing victims and offenders reported increased levels of stress. For women,concern over making a violent arrest resulted in increased stress. For both men andwomen, being the subject of investigations produced increased stress. Cleary, beingthe subject of an internal investigation would be a stressful event for an officer giventhe scrutiny given to officers under review and the potential for disciplinary action.In particular, prior research demonstrates that officers believe that administratorshave unrealistic views of ways to manage problems in field situations, which sub-jects patrol officers to undue scrutiny (He et al., 2002; Kop & Euwema, 2001). It isless clear why knowing offenders and victims would produce stress for men. Perhapsknowing people involved in committing or experiencing criminal acts/violationsmakes it harder for male police officers to maintain hegemonic masculinity. Theymay be more tempted to show a softer, caring (e.g., feminine) side when they knowthe actors involved, and this may create both cognitive dissonance and stress whenmale officers attempt to maintain a detached (e.g., masculine) persona.
Kurtz / The Gendering of Stress and Burnout in Modern Policing 231
It should not be totally surprising that confronting violent offenders producesstress for female officers given the continued gender division of labor in law enforce-ment. Gender-specific behavior in law enforcement frequently involves assigningcertain tasks to women. For example, women are frequently pulled from patrolduties and forced to deal with incidents involving women or children (Brown, 1998).Some existing research reports that women often are given less opportunities to con-front physically violent offenders because of exclusion from certain assignments(Sousa & Gauthier, 2008) and therefore may lack confidence when it comes to deal-ing with these events. As such, this type of situation may produce more stress forwomen who may be smaller in stature and who may have less experience dealingwith physical and/or violent individuals.
Only a few work factors similarly affected levels of burnout when controlling forgender-related effects. For men, the emotional toll of making a violent arrest increasedthe likelihood of burnout and it was the only work-related variable that was significant.Here again, this finding may be linked to the hegemonic masculinity associated withpolicing. Clearly, repeatedly dealing with violence has an impact on individuals.Perhaps men suppress these feelings and therefore experience burnout at higher levels.It is also possible that women actually deal with fewer violent incidents, in partbecause of paternalistic practices that prevent women from having as much experiencedealing with violence, and therefore experience less burnout.
It is also possible that women deal with these experiences better because thesocial construction of femininity allows them to be upset and/or vulnerable afterconfronting violent incidents. It is also interesting that the fear of being the subjectof an investigation increases burnout for women but not for men. Given that this typeof experience is relatively rare for most officers, it makes sense that the fear of aninvestigation produces stress but less often burnout. For women, however, they may,in fact, experience increased scrutiny as the subject of investigations in a genderedenvironment where men and women may not be treated similarly. This explanationis supported by the finding that women with administrative support experienced sig-nificantly less burnout; although, this relationship was not significant for men.Women are already marginalized in police work environments (Dodge & Pogrebin,2001; S. Martin, 1994). When faced with an investigation, women may receive lim-ited support of their peers, making this stressor more significant for women officers.Similarly, women who experience less administrative support may feel (and may infact be) more vulnerable, in general, which may result in burnout. As stated previ-ously, prior research indicates that retention of female officers remains a problem,and some scholars argue that this failure is related to sexual harassment and hostilework environment issues (Lonsway et al., 2002). It has been demonstrated thatsexual harassment is a widespread problem in police department (Brown, 1998). InC. Martin’s (1996) research, all but two women experienced sexual harassment onthe job. Sexual harassment is a particularly noteworthy problem in departments typ-ically dominated by men (i.e., vice, gang units, etc.) and forces many women to
232 Feminist Criminology
transfer to “feminine” areas of policing to avoid mistreatment. For example, inBrown’s (1998) research, 70% of the female officers experienced some type of directsexual harassment and nearly half reported this as a frequent problem. Thus, itshould not be surprising that there is a relationship between administrative supportand burnout for women, and it likely is related to the ways in which male officers,in particular, maintain hegemonic masculinity in a highly gendered organization.
For men, the emotional toll of making a violent arrest increases the likelihood ofburnout and it is the only work-related variable that is significant. Results for womenindicate that the only work-related variable that is statistically significant involvesbeing the subject of an investigation. In fact, this variable is the second strongest inthe regression. The Z value for the investigation variable is statistically significantindicating between group differences for men and women. This variable may be ofparticular interest because women are already marginalized in police work environ-ments (Dodge & Pogrebin, 2001; S. Martin, 1994). When faced with an investiga-tion, women may receive limited support of their peers, making this stressor moresignificant for women officers.
Gender dynamics also shape and aggravate stress among both male and femaleofficers, although in different ways. For male officers, both the presence of gender-related jokes and the perception that the department is lenient toward women weresignificantly associated with burnout but only the leniency variable was significantfor females. Gendered interactions also had direct and indirect effects on stress andburnout. The gender-related variables directly increased stress for both men andwomen, and stress, in turn, elevated the risk of burnout for both groups.
It is not surprising that male officers were most apt to believe that women weretreated more leniently. The perception that women are physically too weak to fulfilljob requirements is a recurring theme in police organization literature (Brown, 1998;C. Martin, 1996; Segrave, 1995; Wadman & Allison, 2004). Prior research showsthat, for the most part, male officers viewed female officers as a liability, believingthey lack the physical size to contain violent offenders and create safety concerns inpatrol situations (Brown, 1998; C. Martin, 1996; S. Martin, 1980). It is also not sur-prising that male officers who endorse this view are more likely to experience stressand burnout if they think that they are being treated unfairly or that women are some-how “getting by” without living up to departmental expectations. For male officers,affirmative responses to the gender-perception variable support hegemonic mascu-line beliefs by reinforcing the perception that women have failed to meet “mascu-line” standards of the police role. Such beliefs facilitate police masculinity andhegemonic masculinity by establishing policing as only appropriate for men andthereby also increasing stress and burnout when these beliefs are challenged by thepresence of women in policing.
Interestingly, the leniency-perception variable had no affect on women’s reportsof stress or burnout. It seemed likely that women would experience increased stressand burnout when male colleagues felt that they were treated differently; however,
Kurtz / The Gendering of Stress and Burnout in Modern Policing 233
the lack of significance may be related to their overwhelming rejection of the notionthat women are treated more leniently. The distribution of the leniency-perceptionvariable is markedly different according to respondents’ gender, with more than 50%of males believing that the department treats women favorably compared with 8% ofthe females who endorsed this belief. The stress and burnout level of women officersalso did not appear related to the gender-leniency variable in the current regressionmodels. Because the vast majority of women do not support the belief that thedepartment is more lenient on women, it is logical to conclude that this perceptionwould not influence their stress levels. Had the question asked directly about the per-ception of their peers, the responses of women officers may have reflected a situa-tional context more likely to result in increased stress and burnout levels for women.In other words, if the question had asked whether or not their fellow officer’s beliefsabout leniency toward women impacted stress and burnout, the results may havebeen different. Future research should attempt to disentangle this particular dynamicfor women officers.
Similarly, the data collection process did not unequivocally ask officers if theirwork environment was hostile toward females; however, the question regarding gen-der-related jokes gives some indication of how women were treated in the organiza-tion. The perceptions that gender jokes are common varies strongly by sex categoryand is directly associated with negative outcomes in many of the regression models.The fact that women, especially White women, experienced gender-oriented jokeson the job is similar to other reports that sexual harassment and maltreatment is com-mon in police culture (Brown, 1998; C. Martin, 1996; Westmarland, 2001). Jokesallow male officers to assert their masculinity and belittle female coworkers underthe protective guise of humor. If female officers are offended by these jokes, theymay be ridiculed for lacking a “sense of humor” and further marginalized by peers.Macho officers use this type of interaction as additional evidence that women do notbelong in policing. Given the social arrangements that shape gender-oriented humor,it is not surprising that this variable is associated with increased stress for women.
Although the question about gender jokes does not directly access the target ofgender jokes, both prior research and the current distribution of responses indicatethat women are the likely target of such jokes, which is likely associated with beingthe target of sexually oriented and harassing behavior. As noted previously, sexualharassment is believed to be widespread in policing. Westmarland (2001) furtherargues that humor and satire are used as tools to deprofessionalize women officers(p. 89). Even jokes that target male officers are likely demeaning toward women. Forexample, a male officer calling another male a “pussy” or “bitch.”
It is somewhat surprising though that the gender jokes variable was not connectedwith negative outcomes among female officers in the burnout model because linksbetween gender jokes and burnout for female officers is easily understandable. Workenvironments wrought with crude and insensitive gender-oriented humor, theoreti-cally, should increase burnout for targets of such humor; however, this phenomenon
234 Feminist Criminology
Kurtz / The Gendering of Stress and Burnout in Modern Policing 235
is not supported in these data. It is possible that women have learned to adjust to suchbehavior or that such treatment does not translate into reported burnout levels.Perhaps women who have burned out because of this behavior have already left thedepartment. Or, perhaps women come to expect this type of behavior in many/mostwork environments, so it may cause stress, but it may not result in burnout. This find-ing presents yet another area for further research.
It was also surprising to find that awareness of gendered jokes was linked to bothstress and burnout for men. Perhaps male officers experience stress and burnout asa response to maltreatment of women in their department. It also is likely thoughthat these variables represent a proxy measure of sexist attitudes toward women andthat the very presence of female officers is linked to stress and burnout becausesome men are unwilling or unable to simultaneously accept that women can bepolice officers without compromising the masculinity of policing itself and the offi-cers who do this work. The link between these variables and negative outcomes formale officers speaks to the power of police masculinity. Attributes associated withmasculinity allow few acceptable outlets for stress and burnout. Police masculinepractices also exclude women because of beliefs about their emotional states.Emotional control, a powerful gender display for males, is a masculine badge wornwhen facing extremely stressful events. Men displaying emotional responses tohigh-stress events risk the powerful stigma of weakness—the polar opposite ofpolice masculinity. Hypermasculine self-reliance manifested in the superman men-tality sets up male officers for failure. By not dealing with stressful events as theyarise, these officers create the potential for devastating physical and psychologicalconsequences.
Ironically, men in law enforcement face negative psychological and behavioralproblems because of their negative treatment of women; however, it must be notedthat the women in law enforcement face the daily, direct influence of hypermasculinebehavior in a highly gendered organization. Men insult women officers by implyingthey receive favorable treatment. It is not that women have proved their merit in lawenforcement, it is that the standards have been lowered to accept the “less” capablegender. Additionally, mild or not so mild, sexual harassment in police work environ-ments appears in the form of gender-related jokes. This masculine practice directlytargets women officers, but it is also embedded in the gendered organization itself.
Results from these data provide a clear framework for future study. The types ofinteractive and structural dynamic espoused by the theoretical orientation of thisresearch are not easily apparent through survey data. A more detailed qualitativeanalysis is apt to uncover more nuanced aspects of the relationship between genderand burnout. A clear limitation of this research relates to data. Although these datalack strongly worded questions regarding the acceptance of women in law enforce-ment, the variables of leniency and gender jokes provide some insight into the gen-der dynamics of policing, as they relate to stress and burnout and offer preliminarysupport for the theory that police stress and burnout is, in part, the result of gendered
236 Feminist Criminology
organizational structures and gendered interactions among officers. The currentfindings offer a springboard for a more detailed analysis of police masculine behav-ior and its corresponding relationship to stress and burnout.
Perhaps the most interesting contribution of these findings is the importance ofgender dynamics in law enforcement work environments, underscoring the need forincluding gender influences in the analysis of stress and burnout among law enforce-ment. Perception of leniency and the observation of gender-related humor in thework place varied significantly according to the intersections of race and gender. Theresponses to these gender related statements are not shocking given the gendered andracialized nature of interactions in criminal justice organizations (Britton, 2003;Dodge & Pogrebin, 2001; S. Martin, 1994); however, it is important to note thatthese differences reflect group-based perceptions. The respondents work and live inthe same environment, but White males apparently do not experience the sameawareness as others in the department, reflecting what some refer to as White mas-culine privilege (Barak et al., 2007). In essence, men and women officers reside inthe same environments, yet live and work in different worlds.
1. The ICPSR suggest the following citation format to be included in text as a footnote: Gershon,Robyn. Police stress and domestic violence in police families in Baltimore, Maryland, 1997-1999[Computer file]. ICPSR version. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University [producer], 1999. Ann Arbor, MI:Inter-university Consortium for Political and Social Research [distributor], 2000.
2. Each of these variables is indicative of the acceptance of women within the Baltimore PoliceDepartment. An attempt to create indexes out of these variables was unsuccessful and latent trait factoranalysis indicated that they did not load on one or more factors. For this reason, these variables areincluded as separate binary categories.
3. Initial versions of this research used two-step regression model with the gender variables includedin the second step. Including the gender variables in the second stage of both stress and burnout modelsincreases the R2, reduces standard error, and yields statistically significant F tests at greater than the99.999% confidence level. These findings validate the inclusion of gender dynamics in regression mod-els and indicate that regression models without them are misspecified.
4. Several techniques are used to explore for possible variable interaction. Interaction variables werecreated to test for this effect and included in earlier models. According to Jaccard and Turrisi (2003),interaction can be tested by multiplying the possible interacting variable and creating a new product vari-able. The new variable is included in the model to test for significance. None of the interaction variablescreated as the product gender (both male and female in different regressions) and the leniency and gen-der joke variables resulted in significant t tests. Therefore, these product variables were excluded in thefinal analysis.
5. For a detailed discussion of testing equality of regression coefficients see Paternoster, Brame,Mazerolle, & Piquero, 1998; Brame, Paternoster, Mazerolle, & Piquero, 1998). Z values allow criminol-ogists to determine if causal effects are equivalent when estimated within two independent samples. I cal-culate Z values in accordance with the unbiased formula presented by Paternoster et al. (1998). For easeof interpretation, I report “yes” for Z tests reaching the value of statistical significance (1.96) and “no” fornonsignificant values in gender spilt models for stress and burnout.
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Don L. Kurtz, PhD, is an assistant professor of social work and a criminologist in the Department ofSociology, Anthropology, and Social Work at Kansas State University. His research interests includejuvenile justice, probation outcomes, youth violence, family aggression, and the link between genderand violence. His research is published in the Journal of Research in Crime and Delinquency and theWestern Criminology Review. Prior to seeking his doctorate, he was employed as a social worker in ajuvenile probation office.
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These settings configured for Acrobat v6.0 08/06/03.) >>>> setdistillerparams<< /HWResolution [2400 2400] /PageSize [612.000 792.000]>> setpagedevice
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